2019 General Elections, Tough Road ahead for BJP ,Modi May lose next LokSabha Elections
Forget the glory came with Modi in 2014
Not long ago, some intellectuals, human rights groups, and journalists across the globe were lamenting the rise of the ultra-right and an orthodox Hindu nationalist government in India. The stray incidents of beef-related killings and “love jihad” gave them sleepless nights, compelling them to predict the onset of terrible times for the minorities At this stage, BJP appears the strongest party. Its strength is three-fold: a leader, an ideology, and a cadre. But with all of this, BJP tacticians know that the magnitude of victory in 2014 may be difficult to replicate. Center-left in India symbolises socialist ideals, an overarching Gandhian value-system, and India’s religious and spiritual legacy of renunciation. In addition, over the years, the center-left has also come to symbolise a slothful attitude; a confused mindset overburdened, or rather weakened, with traditionalism and idealism, status-quoism, and intense mental weakness, and resistance to any event that disturbs socio-political, religious, and cultural comfort zones.
The center-right symbolises an undercurrent of Hindu nationalism in the backdrop of any social, cultural and political activity. It also symbolises a general commotion and change, but within the reasonable limits of the comfort zone of a Hindu mind. BJP is likely to face the same challenge in Rajasthan, where in 2014 it had won all 25 seats.
The margins with which BJP lost Rajasthan by-elections this January are a pointer to this. Pressures of anti-incumbency could operate in Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh and Haryana too. In the key state of UP, where BJP got an unbelievable 71 out of 80 seats in 2014, the tally could change dramatically in 2019 if the opposition – SP, BSP and Congress – comes together.
In Bihar BJP gain with its alliance with JD(U), but the strength of RJD’s Muslim-Yadav combination cannot be written off.
In Bengal – where Mamata Banerjee reigns supreme – and in Odisha – where Naveen Patnaik is still dominant – BJP could gain marginally, but not in numbers that can compensate for what it could lose in its principal catchment areas. South of the Vindhyas CPI(M) is likely to retain its hold over Kerala, the sole state in which it is now in power.
In Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh and Telangana the situation is evolving, and a lot will depend on which party makes the right alliances. In Maharashtra an alliance between Sharad Pawar’s NCP and Congress – with some support from BJP’s disgruntled ally Shiv Sena – could pose a challenge to the present BJP government. In sum, therefore, BJP could well find that the tsunami of 2014 has ebbed somewhat by 2019. If not merely posturing for greater negotiating strength in case BJP’s tally is significantly reduced, angry allies like Shiv Sena and BJP could be an additional liability.
In popular perception, such thugs engage in moral policing and kill innocent people over beef and love jihad. Across the country, incidents of communal tension bringing routine life to a halt have risen in number. Most often, they are sparked off by petty scuffles over slogans of “Vande Matram”, “Bharat Mata Ki Jai” or mob violence over beef smuggling and love jihad. Such street-level Taliban styled radicalisation of Hindus has not only tarnished the image of India, but also fueled Muslim radicalisation. In politics, now, the Muslims rally around their hate-mongering communal leaders like Asaduddin Owaisi, unlike the previous situation when most of them rallied around supposedly-secular parties like Congress. Barring small fanatic fringe elements, the majority of Hindu supporters of the BJP are not comfortable with such Taliban-styled violence, terrorism, and regressive Hindu nationalism.
Challenges Ahead : 2019
The much bigger challenge that 2019 poses is for the Opposition. If it believes that it can come to power merely by riding on discontent against BJP, it is living a pipe dream. What the people of India will look for when they cast their vote is whether a credible national alternative exists or not. Merely a conglomeration of parties, without a convincing narrative of governance and promise of cohesive functioning, will not sway the voter away from BJP. Congress, which could emerge as the single largest party within the current opposition, must acquire the organizational rigour to micro-manage elections, and the maturity to build alliances with other parties on a proactive, timely and accommodating basis, unlike the ad hoc, last minute SP-Congress alliance in the last UP assembly elections. A third front is improbable, and if formed will be without a binding ideology, only a political brokerage firm in case of a hung verdict. t appears at present that opposition is banking more on rhetoric and less on a national strategy. In addition, it is riddled with too many larger than life egos. Chanakya taught us that adverse positions can be reversed by tactical planning. I doubt, though, if many in opposition have read Chanakya. If BJP wins 2019 it will be largely due to the fragmentation, lack of vision and organizational weakness of the Opposition.
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